‘No place for genital mutilation in a modern society, and it’s not just a Bohra issue’ | India News

More than a decade ago, when Masuma Ranalvi First spoke publicly about being subjected to circumcision (local term for female genital mutilation or FGM) at the age of seven, he helped push the practice into the national spotlight among India’s Dawoodi Bohra community. As the SC begins hearing the long-pending case in which he is the petitioner, the fresh evidence from Kerala is also widening the debate beyond the Bohra community. Ranalvi, founder of WeSpeakOut speaks Mahua Das Why he believes the fight in India could enter a new phaseHave the courts changed the way they view FGM?It felt different. Earlier too, a three-judge bench – Justices Dipak Misra, Chandrachud and Khanwilkar – made very positive observations. They raised questions about bodily integrity and talked about child rights before the topic shifted to religious space. This time, the main issue before the nine-judge bench is the conflict between Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution — the freedom of religion of an individual versus the right of a community to conduct its religious practice. We have submitted that when a child is subjected to physical alteration and mental suffering in the name of religious observance, it falls within the constitutional and criminal law. For this, Justice Bagchi commented that as far as FGM is concerned, the expressions ‘health’ and ‘public health’ may be sufficient by themselves. What we are hoping for is recognition from the courts that this is a violation of child rights, a criminal act and something that affects physical integrity. If so, it will put pressure on communities and governments to change policies, run awareness campaigns, educate doctors, support survivors and spread awareness about the harms of FGM. It gives courage to those in the community who are still on the fence.The FGM petition has now spent years moving between constitutional benches and questions surrounding the religious practice. What does this long legal standoff mean for survivors and workers?This is a great question because no one has really thought about what happened in the intervening seven years. We were really disappointed. More importantly, the practice continued, and many girls went through something that could have been avoided if the matter had been heard earlier. No one really sees the urgency of the issue. This is irreversible damage to a child’s body. Such things should have no place in a modern society that cares about the rights of women and children. At the same time, the delay forced us to regroup and rethink our strategies. We realize that this is an uphill battle because we are up against a very powerful religious hierarchy politically and economically. They have tried their best to stall progress on this issue. So, we started looking outward, learning from global movements and building alliances. FGM exists in 94 countries, and there are struggles everywhere. In Africa, 29 countries have laws against FGM. Last year, the WHO published updated guidelines for health workers after nearly a decade. Type III infibulation (the most severe form of FGM) receives the most attention, but there are other forms, including nicking and pricking.How are Indian groups involved in the growing Asian network you’ve helped build around FGM?Over the past five years, we have been building alliances and learning from each other. An important aspect of this network is that it is telling the world that FGM is not just an African problem. It also exists in many parts of Asia. But in most places, religion is used as a justification for sustaining the practice.For years, FGM was only seen as a Dawoodi Bohra issue. What prompted WeSpeakOut to look into reports of FGM originating from the Sunni community in Kerala?There were whispers about the practice in Kerala and parts of it Tamil NaduBut there was no direct evidence or testimony of survivors. Then, around 2017, there was a story about a clinic in Kozhikode and a survivor who spoke about it. There was a massive backlash against him. Then the matter went cold again. But we decided to explore it further. Evidence is next to impossible. In the Bohra community, some of us went ahead and did interviews, so the conversation started. However, our yet-to-be-published exploratory study provides sufficient evidence to warrant further research, data collection, and intervention strategies.What differences have you noticed in Kerala compared to the Bohra context?The biggest difference is age. In the Bohra community the age is fixed around seven years. In Kerala, FGM is performed on the 40th day after birth. At that age, the part involved is so small that even skilled surgeons can struggle. Chances of damage to the groin are extremely high. Another difference is who performs it. In Kerala, it is the ‘Osathi’ community, the women of the barber community who traditionally practice. In some places, there are also clinics that point to increasing treatment. Women survivors reported difficult sexual experiences, but did not connect them to the FGM they had undergone. This understanding comes much later when you begin to understand the work of Bhagankur.After working on this issue for more than a decade, do you see more Bohra parents choosing not to subject their daughters to circumcision even though they may say no publicly?absolutely Wherever we have been able to reach women through conversation, literature, campaigning or media coverage, it has had a positive impact. But there are still many women who have not heard or engaged in these debates, especially in the small towns and rural areas of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh where many Bohras live. There is another section who openly say that this is their belief and their right, and they want to continue this practice. That’s why outreach matters. The more conversations that occur, the more likely the practice will diminish over time.